Peer Reviewed Articles on Slavery and Its Impact on Society

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The legacies of slavery in and out of Africa

IZA Periodical of Migration volume 5, Article number:24 (2016) Cite this article

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Abstract

The slave trades out of Africa stand for one of the near pregnant forced migration experiences in history. In this paper, I illustrate their long-term consequences on contemporaneous socio-economic outcomes, drawing from my own previous work on the topic and from an extensive review of the available literature. I first consider the influence of the slave trade on the "sending" countries in Africa, with attending to their economic, institutional, demographic, and social implications. Next, I evaluate the consequences of the slave trade on the "receiving" countries in the Americas. Here, I distinguish between the case of Latin America and that of the The states. Overall, I show that the slave trades exert a lasting impact along several contemporaneous socio-economical dimensions and across diverse areas of the world.

JEL Nomenclature: J47, J15, O15, N30, P48, Z10

Introduction

This contribution has been prepared for presentation as the Julian Simon Lecture at the twelfth IZA Annual Migration Coming together held in Dakar, Senegal, in April 2015. Simply off the coast of Dakar, Gorée Island hosts the House of Slaves, a museum and memorial to the slave trade out of Africa, one of the nigh significant forced migration experiences in history and the main inspiration for this lecture.

While the slave trades and slavery have long been the object of investigation by historians, a recent stream within the economic science literature has focused on its potential long-term consequences on socio-economic outcomes. The aim of this paper is to nowadays my own piece of work and thoughts on this topic, and at the same time to collect a survey of the minor simply growing related literature.

More broadly speaking, this contribution follows the tradition of Engerman and Sokoloff (1997), Hall and Jones (1999), and Acemoglu et al. (2001), who accept searched the fundamental, rather than proximate, factors that take determined socio-economic outcomes, with special attention for the potential role of institutional factors such every bit those shaping labor markets. My goal is to demonstrate that the institutions that permitted the slave trades and slavery, long subsequently their abolition, are even so exerting a profound influence on a variety of contemporaneous outcomes, across very diverse areas of the earth.

Partly because empirical investigations on the slave trade require often difficult-to-observe historical data, partly considering inquiry is only in its infancy, the bachelor literature including my ain contributions has non so far been able to cover all the potentially affected geographical regions and all spheres of possible influence in a homogenous mode. Nevertheless, it is possible to organize a presentation along ii chief axes. First, it is natural to distinguish between the long-lasting influence of the African slave merchandise for the "sending" countries on the i manus and the "receiving" ones on the other. Second, for each set of countries, it is useful to highlight a number of specific economic, institutional, demographic, and social implications which take attracted the attention of the literature. For a choice of issues, I volition nowadays new data elaborations based on datasets collected for my previous work. Since African slavery has represented ane of the largest—albeit coerced—migration experiences in history, the newspaper will likewise emphasize the link between research on the slave trade and the literature on migration, even though this link is still relatively undeveloped.

The newspaper is organized as follows. In Section 2, I provide a brusque history of the African slave trades. In Section iii, I consider their influence on the sending countries in Africa, with attention to its economic, institutional, demographic, and social implications. In Section 4, I evaluate the consequences of the slave trade on the receiving countries, cartoon a further stardom between Latin America and the USA. For the latter, I too briefly discuss the subsequent experiences of the Second Middle Passage and of the Cracking Migration. Department 5 concludes and collects ideas and suggestions for time to come inquiry.

A brief history of the slave trade

Over the five centuries running from 1400 to 1900, the slave trade encompassed four distinct waves: the trans-Saharan, Indian Sea, Red Sea, and trans-Atlantic slave trades. The terminal one was past far the most significant in terms of volume and duration: over the 1529–1850 catamenia, over 12 1000000 Africans were embarked, generally forth the coasts of West Africa, and forced to undertake the Centre Passage across the Atlantic Bounding main (see Berlin 2003 for a historical account, and Eltis et al. 1999 and Curtin 1969 for data). The top was reached betwixt 1780 and 1790, with 80,000 slaves per year being transported, but the traffic remained very intense during the nineteenth century, when betwixt iii and four million people were embarked. Throughout the period, the Portuguese were ever at the center of the trade: they were the ones that initiated it and they continued it long afterward Britain outlawed it in 1807. The involvement of Britain culminated in the eighteenth century. French republic as well had a prominent office, followed past Espana, the Netherlands, and the USA. The decline started after 1807, even though the procedure was very slow and became pregnant only after mid-nineteenth century when Brazil joined in. The three other slave trades pre-dated the trans-Atlantic wave and followed different paths: the trans-Saharan trade took people from the sub-Saharan regions to Northern Africa, while both the Indian Ocean and the Crimson Sea trades took people from Eastern Africa and delivered them to various parts of Asia. Overall, the volume of these 3 waves comprised one-half of that involved in the trans-Atlantic 1. The trans-Atlantic trades are past far the improve documented ones, thanks to the Trans Atlantic Slave Trade (TAST) Database (meet www.slavevoyages.org and the clarification in Eltis et al. 1999). Based on these data, Table 1 reports the number of slaves embarked from Africa, by wide embarkation regions and past 100-yr periods. Westward-Central Africa represented the main source, with 45 % of the overall volume. Side by side came Benin (16 %), Biafra (13 %), the Gold Coast (10 %), and Senegambia (6 %).

Table 1 Embarked slaves during the trans-Atlantic slave merchandise

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Slavery was already present in Africa earlier the slave trades and in fact continues, in some parts of the continent, to the present twenty-four hours. Europe experienced slavery every bit well. The Roman Empire was in fact a slave order. However, by 1400, slavery had long disappeared from Europe, which motivated the European search for a supply of forced labor in the African continent. African slaves were nerveless by kidnapping past other Africans or every bit the result of local wars among Africans. The captives were then sold to foreign traders, together with gold and ivory, in commutation for imported appurtenances including firearms. The consequent so-called gun-slave cycle fueled the perpetuation of the slave merchandise for centuries. In turn, the incentive to buy slaves on the office of the Europeans rested in the need to collect manpower for the expansions of the plantation economies being developed in South and Central America afterward Columbus, to satisfy the quickly increasing taste in Europe for colonial goods such as tobacco and sugar. Again based on the TAST Database, Table 2 reports the number of slaves disembarked in different regions, by broad disembarkation regions and by 100-twelvemonth periods. A comparing with Tabular array ane reveals that almost ii meg people were lost during transportation. The master destination was Brazil (45 %), next came the Caribbean (22 and 10 %, respectively, for the British and French portions) and the Castilian Americas (12 %). Less than four % were taken to Northward America.

Table two Disembarked slaves during the trans–Atlantic slave trade

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The coerced population motion fix into identify by the trans-Atlantic slave trade was only the starting time of a very long mobilization process that has not yet stopped. Indeed Berlin (2010) has influentially portrayed the history of people of African descent in the USA as framed by four great migrations. The first was the Middle Passage, which in the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries took people from Africa to North America. During the commencement one-half of the nineteenth century, the 2nd Center Passage involved the transportation of one million African American slaves from the Atlantic coastal regions to the plantations in the interior. The 3rd migratory round, which was no longer forced by voluntary, witnessed the relocation of 6 million free people of African descent from the rural South to the Northern cities, starting from 1915 with the Bang-up Migration and standing until the 1970s. Lastly, between the end of the twentieth and the get-go of the twenty-showtime centuries, new Global Passages of migrants of African descent arrived in the United states of america from the regions that had hosted the previous out-of-Africa coerced diasporas, i.e., the Caribbean, Latin America, Africa, and Europe.

The consequences of the slave trade in Africa

This section is devoted to the long-run consequences of the coerced migration of millions of people from Africa, with a focus on the trans-Atlantic experience. To organize the presentation, I first look at the impact on local economic development and institutions. The second sub-section turns to the influence on demographics, family unit structure, and gender roles.

The impact on economic development and institutions

A showtime moving ridge of research on the influence of history on African economical and institutional development has focused on the colonial menstruation (e.m., Acemoglu et al. 2001, Bertocchi and Canova 2002, and Bertocchi 2011). The long-term implications of pre-colonial institutions in Africa take been discussed among others by Manning (1990), Herbst (2000), Bockstette et al. (2002), Gennaioli and Rainer (2007), and Michalopoulos and Papaioannou (2013).

A new enquiry line initiated by Nunn (2008a) has instead full-bodied on the slave trade period. Nunn (2008a) presents a systematic empirical analysis of the effects of the slave trades on current economical performance. His first contribution is a database reporting estimates of the number of slaves exported from each contemporary African state in each century from 1400 to 1900. The estimates, which are based on shipping records including the TAST Database (Eltis et al. 1999) and a variety of historical sources, also written report the ethnic identity of slaves. The 2nd contribution is to show a robust negative relationship betwixt the number of slaves exported from a country and per capita income in 2000, despite evidence that the slave trades were more than intense in the about developed and most densely populated areas in Africa. Through two-phase least-square estimation (where the sailing distances from each state to the nearest locations of demand for slaves are employed as instruments), he can also establish that this relationship is causal. Moreover, he suggests that the channels behind the observed relationship have to be found in the fact that the slave trades impeded the formation of broader indigenous identities. Past stopping the homogenization of ethnic differences, they atomic number 82 to fractionalization and weak and fragmented political structures. The impact of the slave merchandise on ethnic stratification has too been studied past Whatley and Gillezeau (2011), who establish the existence of a positive relationship betwixt current ethnic fragmentation and slave exports from West Africa.

Following the lead of Nunn (2008a), several authors take farther explored the long-term influence of the slave trades along a number of dimensions. Nunn and Wantchekon (2011) investigate the link betwixt the slave trades and trust. Given the importance of trust for economic and institutional development, it may well be the case that it is through this channel that the slave trade all the same exerts its influence today. The hypothesis is that the slave trades may have generated a civilization of mistrust, because of the manner slaves were captured past other Africans through raids involving neighboring communities, thus breaking the social bonds upon which trust is congenital. The hypothesis is tested over the data by Nunn (2008a) on the number of slaves by indigenous group and contemporaneous survey data by Afrobarometer providing measures of trust. They find a robust negative link between slave trades and trust, i.eastward., individuals whose ancestors were more exposed to the slave trade are today less trusting. Historic distance from the coast is employed equally an instrument for the slave trades to perform ii-stage to the lowest degree-square estimation indicating that this link is indeed causal. The authors investigate ii potential channels of transmission, civilisation and institutions. The former runs through the diffusion of cultural norms, beliefs, and values founded on distrust, the latter through the weakening of trust-enforcing institutions. They conclude that both channels are at work but that the former is much stronger than the second.

Once more using the information by Nunn (2008a) and Nunn and Wantchekon (2011) combined with the Afrobarometer surveys, in Bertocchi et al. (2015) my coauthors and I examine the human relationship between trust and attitudes toward citizenship acquisition. We observe that individuals who are more trusting show more positive attitudes toward the conquering of citizenship by migrants, both at nativity and past naturalization (see Bertocchi and Strozzi 2010, 2008 on the link between citizenship laws and migration). These findings are consistent with the hypothesis that the slave trade generated a culture of mistrust that increased the incentive to distinguish insiders from outsiders, with implications for the shaping of immigration policies in contemporary Africa.

The implications of the slave trade can also exist shaped by its interaction with geography and the climate. Nunn and Puga (2012) expect at the interaction between ruggedness and the furnishings of the slave trades on current development. Ruggedness can represent a protection from slave raids despite its simultaneous negative event on trade and economic activity. They find that a benign effect of rugged terrain is only present in the African continent and can therefore be explained by the history of slavery. More than broadly, these results propose that geography can affect development through its interaction with by historical events. Fenske and Kala (2015) examine the interaction between the slave trade and climate. They compile a yearly panel of temperatures and slave exports and discover that the latter declined in warmer years, which can be explained by the positive clan betwixt temperature and bloodshed and the negative association between temperature and agronomical productivity. In turn cold atmospheric condition—which reduced participation in the slave merchandise—predicts college economical activity in contemporary Africa.

Turning to the impact of the slave trade on political institutions, Whatley (2012a) focuses on political authority in West Africa using data from the Ethnographic Atlas (Murdock 1967) and finds that, in the pre-colonial era, the trans-Atlantic slave merchandise increased absolutism and reduced democracy and liberalism. This negative influence on West-African political institutions persisted by the colonial era. In particular, he shows that British colonies that exported more slaves were subject to a larger degree to indirect rule. In plough, under indirect rule the colonial administration relied more heavily on local absolutisms as a means of control. Absolutist political customs adult into the rule of law, persisted to mail service-colonial days, and can still explain state failure in the African continent (meet Bertocchi and Guerzoni 2011, 2012 on the determinants and consequences of state fragility in contemporary Africa).

While the consequences of the slave trade are received increasing attention within the economics literature, all the same scarce attention has been paid to the determinants of the slave merchandise itself. One exception is Whatley (2012b), who looks at the causes of the expansion in the trans-Atlantic slave trade during the eighteenth century. While the trans-Atlantic slave merchandise lasted over 400 years, a rapid, five-fold growth episode in fact occurred in the eighteenth century. He combines data from the TA Database and the Anglo-African Merchandise Statistics (Johnson et al. 1990) to build a time serial of almanac observations on the British slave merchandise that spans the period 1699–1807, i.e., until the abolition of the slave trade by Britain. For the first part of the century, he finds evidence of a gun-slave bicycle, suggesting that African people were enslaved by other Africans and traded in exchange of firearms, which in turn sustained internal wars. These findings ostend the British abolitionists' claim that the slave trades caused African disharmonize rather than the opposite.

A paper by Fenske and Kala (2014) focuses instead on the consequences of British abolition. The authors argue that abolition increased the incidence of disharmonize in the areas within Africa affected past the slave trade. Using geo-coded data on conflicts, they show a discontinuous increment later on 1807, which occurred both in West Africa, where the slave merchandise declined, and West-Central and South-East Africa, where the trade increased as a effect. They interpret these findings every bit follows. In Westward Africa, the decline of the slave trade challenged pre-existing political authorities who defended their interests through violence. In the other regions, enslavement intensified and was oft achieved through tearing means. The persistent effect of abolition translates in harsher conflict today in the regions where slave exports increased after 1807.

The bear upon on demographics, family structure, and gender roles

Even though to divide the existing contributions on the slave merchandise in Africa according to the chosen two sub-sections is somewhat arbitrary, information technology makes it easier to identify and draw a parallel line of research that starts with Fage (1980), Thornton (1980), and Manning (1981), who highlight the implications of the slave trade for population growth in Africa (see besides Manning 2010 and Frankema and Jerven 2014, for more contempo projections). Equally a issue of the enslavement and shipping of captives, amongst whom men often outnumbered women, population declined and the gender rest was distorted. As a event in 1850, Africa had a population of about 50 million, while the level information technology would have reached in the absence of the slave trades was estimated to be 100 million: thus, the continent lost to the slave trades half of its population. The unbalanced sex ratio provoked a further reduction of population growth, with implications for family structure and male person-female relations. Polygyny spread, while matrilinearity weakened. Classic references on the African family unit construction, from an anthropological and historical perspective, include Boserup (1970), Goody (1973), and Todd (1984), who describe the conditions that, long before the slave trades, determined the diffusion of polygyny in Africa, due to agricultural conditions which fabricated female labor valuable. The diffusion of polygyny in Africa was reinforced by the slave merchandise, because of male scarcity and the simultaneous need to sustain reproduction rates.

The connection between the slave trade and contemporaneous polygyny is investigated by several related studies. Dalton and Leung (2014) combine the historical data on the slave trades from Nunn (2008a) and Nunn and Wantchekon (2011) with contemporaneous polygyny data from the female Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS). They bear witness that the higher polygyny rates in Western Africa, if compared to Eastern Africa, can be explained by the slave trades, since the preference for male slaves was a distinctive feature of the trans-Atlantic trade out of Western Africa, while the contrary occurred for the Indian Body of water and Red Bounding main trades out of Eastern Africa. These results are robust to controls for age, religion, urban location, education, and wealth, as well equally to instrumental variables estimation. Edlund and Ku (2011) stress that polygyny in sub-Saharan Africa is characterized by late only universal marriage for men (full general polygyny), which differs from the example where only high-quality men obtain more wives thus leaving lower-quality men unmarried. While the latter form of polygyny tends to be driven by inequality, they confirm that full general polygyny is linked to the slave trade. Their measure of polygyny is based on United nations data on the number of married women over the number of married men (for fifteen to 49 years old). Within a broad analysis of the determinants of African polygyny, Fenske (2013) uses the DHS household-level codification and confirms the existence of a link with the slave trades, albeit with the warning that the latter tin can only predict polygamy across broad regions, i.e., West Africa against the residue of the continent.

In Bertocchi and Dimico (2015), my coauthor and I build on the relationship betwixt the trans-Atlantic slave merchandise (from the Nunn and Wantchekon 2011 dataset) and contemporaneous polygyny, which is confirmed across the household, male person, and female DHS samples. In detail, we employ a proxy for the intensity of the slave trades represented by the implied, negative demographic stupor, since data on population growth present the advantage of being available at a finer, district level.

Using the dataset compiled for Bertocchi and Dimico (2015), based on the household sample, in Tabular array iii, I run a simple bivariate regression where polygyny enters as the dependent variable while the trans-Atlantic slave trade enters as the regressor. The highly significant and positive coefficient illustrates the strong link betwixt the two variables.

Table 3 The slave trade and polygyny in Africa

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In Bertocchi and Dimico (2015), we further extend the analysis of the influence of the slave trade past looking at sexual beliefs and HIV infection. What is peculiar virtually sub-Saharan Africa is that HIV incidence is much more common among women, particularly younger ones. Violence confronting women, poor health services, lack of teaching, and unsafe sexual beliefs are usually suggested in order to explain these facts. The paper starts past showing that, throughout sub-Saharan Africa, the slave trades are associated with a negative demographic daze. Next information technology shows that polygyny is strongly associated with higher HIV infection rates. To establish the causal nexus running from polygyny to HIV infection, the demographic daze post-obit the slave merchandise is used as an instrument for polygyny. The newspaper too investigates the underlying transmission channel, past arguing that polygyny is associated with unsatisfying marital relationships, particularly for the women involved. As a consequence, women tend to be more prone to extramarital partnerships. Since promiscuous sexual habits stand for one of the master channels of transmission of HIV, at that place should and then be an association between the prevalence of polygyny and the take chances of infection. This effect is reinforced by co-wives cohabitation, since the presence of several women sharing the same roof with a single husband exerts a multiplying influence on exposure. The higher up hypothesis is tested using DHS indicators of sexual behavior. Sex, measured every bit the likelihood that an individual had sexual activeness within the last four weeks, is confirmed as existence positively associated with infection rates. Female infidelity, measured with the number of extramarital partners within the concluding 12 months, is as well strongly connected with HIV. To institute causality, the newspaper once again relies on the link between the demographic stupor that followed the slave trade and sexual behavior, thus uncovering a sort of primordial risk gene for HIV which finds its roots in the slave trade epoch.

Again using DHS data, another related contribution by Teso (2014) turns the attention on the influence of the trans-Atlantic slave trade on gender roles. He argues that the unbalanced sexual practice ratios determined by the enslavement of men pushed women into the labor forcefulness and inverse their role in the labor market place by altering the sectionalisation of labor in society. He uses the data from Nunn and Wantchekon (2011) on the number of slaves by ethnicity and matches them with DHS data on employment status, women'southward participation in household decisions, and attitudes toward domestic violence, as well equally with Afrobarometer information on opinions nigh women in politics. He shows that indigenous groups that were more severely afflicted by the trans-Atlantic slave merchandise are today more likely to showroom higher female labor force participation and more equal gender-function attitudes.

The consequences of the slave merchandise outside Africa

This department is devoted to the influence of African slavery outside of Africa, with a focus on the trans-Atlantic feel and thus on New World economies. The impact of the influx of slaves from Africa on the countries in the Americas has been emphasized in seminal piece of work by Engerman and Sokoloff (1997), who contend that differences in factor endowments implied differences in the reliance on slave labor, with dramatic consequences for the degree of inequality. Extreme historical inequalities—in wealth, human capital, and political power—and so exerted a permanent influence on economical development, since they favored the endogenous germination of institutional structures that, rather than promoting growth, maintained the privileges of the elites against the interests of the masses. Nunn (2008b) tests the Engerman-Sokoloff hypothesis in two settings: beyond 29 onetime New Earth countries and across Us counties and states. In both settings, he finds a negative touch on of by slavery on current development (even though this impact is not driven by plantation slavery). He as well investigates whether inequality is the aqueduct through which slavery adversely affects current performances, just he finds no support for this mechanism. Over a world-broad sample of 46 countries including also Northward-African and Southern-European recipients of African slaves, Soares et al. (2012) find a pregnant correlation between by slavery and current levels of inequality. The economics of labor coercion from the perspective of productive efficiency is modeled by Lagerlöf (2009) and Acemoglu and Wolitzky (2011). Apart from the exceptions just mentioned, nigh of the inquiry on the long-term furnishings of African slavery has focused on individual countries. In the get-go sub-section beneath, I report prove on Latin America and the Caribbean area, while the subsequent sub-section covers the USA.

Latin America and the Caribbean

The Eastern declension of Latin America and the Caribbean by far received the largest share of African slaves, albeit with marked cantankerous-country heterogeneities. As shown in Tabular array 2, the highest number of slaves was transported to Brazil and the Caribbean (particularly Haiti and Jamaica), while other countries, such as Republic of bolivia, hardly received any. Since this area is currently characterized past deep inequalities, past slavery is a candidate explanation that deserves shut attention.

Drawing on Bertocchi (2015), I volition start with Brazil, which was the destination of virtually half of the African slaves shipped beyond the Atlantic, ten times the number of those sent to today's USA. Brazil was also the last country in the Americas to cancel slavery in 1888. On the other manus, for centuries Brazil witnessed the coexistence of complimentary and enslaved blacks: at the end of the eighteenth century, 25 % of the blacks were already gratuitous. At the same time, the local elites encouraged the formation of a sort of form division among blacks, used every bit a ways to carve up and control a huge and thus potentially dangerous black population, which represented 50 % of the full in 1822. Nonetheless, because of loftier mortality and depression fertility, the slave population declined very quickly after the cease of the trades in the key years of the nineteenth century, while at the same fourth dimension the flow of European immigrants was fast growing. Equally a issue, by the fourth dimension slavery was abolished in 1888, slaves were only 5 % of the Brazilian population. Together with the custom of inter-racial marriage, these demographic dynamics can explicate why in this state slavery never produced the forms of segregation observed, for instance, in the USA. The empirical evidence on Brazil brings mixed results. Within a county-level analysis of the state of São Paulo, the largest in the country, Summerhill (2010) finds that the intensity of slavery has a negligible effect on income in 2000. Moreover, a measure of agronomical inequality for 1905 exerts no negative influence on long-term evolution. He therefore concludes that neither slavery nor historical inequality accept a discernable economical consequence in the long run. However, a negative influence of by slavery emerges in other studies that concentrate on human majuscule formation. Beyond Brazilian federal units, Wegenast (2010) uncovers a negative correlation between by country inequality, which was strongly correlated with the presence of crops suitable for the employ of slave labor and thus with slavery, and quantitative and qualitative measures of contemporary didactics, such as secondary school attendance in 2000 and school quality in 2005. In the latifundia system based on slave labor, landlords historically had no incentive to develop mass educational institutions, and this attitude persisted even after abolition in 1888, with consequences nonetheless visible today. Similarly, Musacchio et al. (2014) show that over the 1889–1930 catamenia Brazilian states with a lower intensity of slavery were able to exploit positive trade shocks and invest the resulting export taxation revenues in elementary education expenditures. The opposite occurs in states with more slaves. The effects persist on the gimmicky distribution of human capital.

For the example of Colombia, Acemoglu et al. (2012) investigate the touch of slavery on long-run evolution by exploiting the variation in the presence of gold mines in different municipalities, since golden mining was strongly associated with demand for slave labor. The empirical findings prove that the historical presence of slavery is associated with higher poverty, land inequality, and black population shares, and with lower school enrollment and vaccination coverage. For Puerto Rico, Bobonis and Morrow (2014) report prove on the impact of the libreta system, a local course of labor coercion introduced in 1849 after an understanding betwixt Spain and Britain to enforce the abolitionism of the slave trade. The libreta de facto replaced slavery and remained in place until 1874. By exploiting variation in the suitability of coffee cultivation and changes in world coffee prices, they guess how the response of schooling to coffee price changes across municipalities. They find that coercion depresses the constructive wages of unskilled labor, inducing more schooling than in the case without coercion. In other words, the abolitionism of forced labor reduced the incentive to accumulate human capital, consistently with the fact that abolition increased the relative wages of unskilled laborers. Incidentally, parallel evidence of the outcome of the enslavement of the American indigenous population is provided past Dell (2010), who examines a region within modern-day Peru that experienced another grade of labor compulsion, the mining mita. The furnishings of the mita are detrimental for current household consumption and children's growth, while its influence on education has faded over time.

In summary, the available evidence points to heterogeneous furnishings of slavery on long-term development. These mixed results may be due to the confounding influence of other interacting factors common to the South-Central America feel, such equally the more often than not slow expansion of mass education, irrespectively of race (see Mariscal and Sokoloff 2000) and a civilisation of absorption favoring integration and racial mixing.

The USA

Slavery was introduced in the territories that today represent the USA in the sixteenth century, much later than in Castilian South America and Brazil. The telescopic was to supercede European and African indentured servants as the master source of plantation labor, at the time mostly employed for the cultivation of rice and tobacco. Between 1675 and 1695, the import expanded rapidly. By the 1720s, Virginia and Maryland had been transformed into slave societies. Overall, the inflow to the USA, throughout the next centuries, amounted to an estimated 645,000 slaves, brought in more often than not from Africa. The slaves were initially disembarked along the Atlantic coast and forcibly settled in the coastal Southern colonies. Even though the U.s.a. captivated less than 4 % of the unabridged volume of the trans-Atlantic trade, the local reproduction charge per unit was much higher than elsewhere so that the slave population, unlike in the residue of the Americas, expanded. By the 1730s, births to slave women outnumbered import, with an increase of the African population at an almanac charge per unit of 3 %. As a result, at the showtime of the American Revolution, the region was no longer an immigrant society. Afterwards, in the 1789–1860 period between the Revolution and the Civil War, virtually slaves were relocated in the inland regions where the plantation economy was rapidly expanding following the booming international demand for cotton. This Second Center Passage ended only with the Confederate defeat in the Ceremonious War. Despite the fact that the Revolution broke the coincidence betwixt blackness and slavery, between 1800 and 1860 the slave population increased from ane to four one thousand thousand, so that by the 1860 census the The states had a slave population of about thirteen % of the total, distributed within xv slave states, by and large belonging to the Due south. The American Civil War led to the abolition of slavery in 1865. The Reconstruction period, running from 1865 to 1877, witnessed a transformation of Southern society and the enactment of legislation favoring the rights of sometime slaves. Nevertheless, presently afterwards the white elites were able to restore their command and to innovate restrictive Black Codes and disfranchisement provisions. The next massive movement of the African American population occurred betwixt 1916 and 1930, with the so-called Great Migration from the rural S to the urban North, pulled by new job opportunities in the Northern cities and pushed by the crunch of the cotton economy. The latter was caused by the boll weevil protrude infestation and also by the social and political conditions of blacks in the South. Black emigration from the Due south slowed down after 1930 but picked up again after World State of war Ii. It continued at differentiated speeds until the 1970s, reaching a total volume of half-dozen million, with a partial reversal later that.

Early contributions on the economical impact of slavery in the USA include the influential although controversial book past the economic historians Fogel and Engerman (1974), where they argue that slavery in the antebellum S was an efficient production arrangement. Contrasting views were expressed amid others by David and Stampp (1976) and Ransom and Sutch (2001). The more recent literature I focus on has investigated the long-term consequences of slavery on development. Across states over the 1880–1980 period, Mitchener and McLean (2003) find a negative and persistent effect on productivity levels. Lagerlöf (2005) explores the link between geography and slavery and also uncovers a negative relationship between slavery and current income. Both beyond states and counties, Nunn (2008b) reports a negative effect of slavery on per capita income in 2000.

Using the dataset collected by Bertocchi and Dimico (2010), in Table 4 I provide empirical evidence on the cross-county influence of slavery on the contemporaneous level of development in the USA. Slavery is measured as the share of slaves to the total population in 1860, while the dependent variable is per capita income in different years. After entering geographical controls meant to capture structural differences among different regions of the USA (i.due east., dummies for counties inside erstwhile slave states and for counties inside North-Eastern and South-Atlantic states), the human relationship is not significant for per capita income in 2000. Across previous decades, the human relationship was yet significant in 1970, but no longer so in 1980 and 1990. This suggests that the effect of slavery on income is not a robust ane.

Table 4 Slavery and income per capita, USA, 1970 to 2000

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Turning to the link between slavery and current inequality, in Table 5 I nowadays results for different indicators, all measured in twelvemonth 2000: income inequality and racial inequality (both computed as Gini indexes) and the fraction of the population below the poverty level. Using the same specification every bit in Table 4, i.e., controlling for structural differences across regions, for all dependent variables, slavery e'er retains a positive and pregnant coefficient. Thus, there is robust evidence that the distribution of per capita income is more than diff today in counties associated in the past with a larger proportion of slaves in the population, and then is the racial dimension of inequality, while poverty is more than widespread.

Tabular array 5 Slavery and measures of inequality, USA, 2000

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Furthermore, over a state-level panel dataset of educational attainment across races over the 1940–2000 period nerveless by Bertocchi and Dimico (2010), in Table 6 I regress the educational racial gap, at the high-school and available level, on the share of slaves in the population in 1860: the coefficient is significantly positive, which suggests that the impact of slavery may run through the evolution of the educational gap (Tabular array 6). Indeed, after the Civil War and abolition, illiteracy was predominant among blacks and progress was very slow until the eve of World War Two.

Tabular array half dozen Slavery and the racial educational gap, USA, 1940–2000

Total size table

The hypothesis according to which human uppercase germination may represent the channel through which the effect of slavery however lingers on in American society echoes of a large literature on race and homo majuscule including Smith (1984), Margo (1990), Sacerdote (2005), and Canaday and Tamura (2009). The aforementioned hypothesis is further adult and tested in Bertocchi and Dimico (2014), where my coauthor and I apply a Theil decomposition to disentangle the two components of income inequality: inequality across races (racial inequality) and inequality within races (within inequality). The negative and significant influence of slavery is confirmed subsequently controlling for factor endowments and running two-stage least-square regressions. An alternative hypothesis might attribute the effect of slavery on current inequality to racial bigotry. Indeed the bond between slavery and racism, which was non associated with slavery in the Old World and is much weaker in today's Latin America, is perceived as specially potent in the USA. To test this additional hypothesis, nosotros create a mensurate of racial discrimination based on returns to skills, approximate returns to education for blacks and whites, and compute the ratio of average returns for blacks to boilerplate returns for whites. The latter turns out to be well below 1, consistently with the presence of discrimination. Using this proxy, we do find that racial bigotry contributes to inequality, just to a much lesser degree if compared to the human upper-case letter transmission channel. This conclusion is consequent with Fryer (2011), who argues that relative to the twentieth century the relevance of discrimination as an explanation for racial inequalities has declined, since racial differences are profoundly reduced when one accounts for educational achievement. We conclude with suggestive evidence that the underlying links between past slavery and electric current inequality run through the political exclusion of sometime slaves and the resulting negative influence on the local provision of education for blackness children.

In a companion investigation also by Bertocchi and Dimico (2012a), my coauthor and I shed further light on the evolution of racial educational inequality across states from 1940 to 2000, extending the results illustrated in Tabular array half dozen. Despite a gradual reduction of the gap over this period, the evidence shows that the racial gap at the loftier-schoolhouse and bachelor level is adamant by the initial gap in 1940, which is in turn largely explained by past slavery. The correlation betwixt the racial educational gap in 1940 and the share of slaves over population in 1860 is in fact 0.90 and 0.81, at the high-schoolhouse and bachelor level, respectively. 2-phase least-square regressions where slavery is used every bit an instrument for the initial gap confirm this conclusion. The outcome of the excludability of slavery is addressed past instrumenting it with the share of disembarked slaves from the trans-Atlantic slave merchandise, i.e., accounting for the link between the geographic slave distribution following the Heart Passage and the one prevailing afterwards the Second Eye Passage. We also find that income growth over the same period is negatively correlated with the initial racial gap in instruction, which suggests that slavery also exerts an indirect effect on growth through the didactics aqueduct.

In Bertocchi and Dimico (2012b), my coauthor and I extend the analysis of the political implications of slavery using a unique dataset on voting registration by race assembled for the counties in the land of Mississippi in 1896, in the middle of the period that witnesses the restoration of the white elites' supremacy. We show that the disfranchisement measures introduced with the new 1890 state constitution (i.e., the requirement of a poll tax and a literacy test for voting registration) negatively touch on the political participation of blacks. However, we also show that the turn down starts even earlier, reflecting a procedure of institutionalization of de facto disfranchisement and thus supporting the fait accompli hypothesis advanced by Fundamental (1949). Blackness registration is shown to be more limited in the presence of a larger share of black population, which is in turn highly correlated with a larger share of slaves before abolition. This tin can be explained by the fact that a majority of black voters represents a more serious threat to white supremacy. The paper also shows that restrictions in black political participation bear upon educational policies in a persistent fashion, consistently with the previously mentioned contributions. Naidu (2012) too contains an analysis of the consequences of the disfranchisement measures introduced in Southern states on political and educational outcomes. Acharya et al. (2016) show that contemporary differences in political attitudes nonetheless reflect the intensity of slavery in 1860, with Southern whites more than likely to support the Republican party and oppose affirmative action policies in counties more than affected by slavery historically. They interpret these results as the long-term consequences of the conservative political attitudes that developed afterwards the Civil War.

Again with special attention to Mississippi information, Chay and Munshi (2013) focus on the subsequent epoch which, betwixt 1916 and 1930, witnessed the Great Migration of i million of old slaves from the South to the Northward of the Us. They find that blacks coming from counties characterized by labor-intensive plantation crops represented a disproportionate share of Northern migrants. They attribute this finding to the development of social network externalities that became instrumental in the mobilization procedure when large coalition of blacks moved together to Northern cities.

Equally for the case of Africa, the influence of slavery on gender roles and cultural norms has been investigated also for the case of the USA. Mohinyan (1965) argues that the construction of the black family has been undermined past slavery, with broad consequences on law-breaking and the social condition of blacks. Slavery has also been proposed every bit an explanation for the racial gap in female labor strength participation. Boustan and Collins (2014) show that for over a century, that is from 1870 until at least 1980, blackness women were more likely than white women to participate in the labor strength and to hold jobs in agriculture or manufacturing. They also bear witness that differences in observables cannot fully business relationship for this racial gap, which confirms the intuition in Goldin (1977). The latter suggests that female labor force participation reflects a "double legacy" of slavery. A direct result may have come from the depression levels of income and education for blacks, which pushed more than black women into the labor market. Moreover, an indirect result may take come from an intergenerational transmission channel: since black women were forced to work intensively under slavery, African Americans adult dissimilar cultural norms about women's piece of work, with consequent long-term effects. Another cultural implication of slavery is examined past Gouda (2013), who shows that the slave share in 1860 is correlated with contemporary violent crime, suggesting that the civilisation of violence that adult nether slavery yet exerts a lasting outcome.

Abreast instruction, homo capital letter is too shaped by health weather. The hypothesis that the racial gap in life expectancy may exist linked to the slave trades has been advanced by Cutler et al. (2005), who present evidence suggesting that racial differences in sensitivity to salt, a leading and largely hereditary cause of hypertension, may be due to selection during the Middle Passage. Because of intense h2o loss, the power to retain salt and hence water substantially increased the chances of survival, which induced slave traders to select captives on the basis of the salt on their skin. Bhalotra and Venkataramani (2012) notice that the impact on adult education and labor market outcomes of the reduction in pneumonia in infancy—thanks to the introduction of antibiotic therapies in the 1930s—decreases with the intensity of slavery in 1860. They interpret this result as a consequence of pre-Civil Rights barriers to realizing returns to human capital letter investment for blacks born in the South. The genetic resistance to malaria of African slaves has been suggested by Isle of man (2011) as the reason why slavery adult in the United states of america, and indeed Esposito (2013) documents a correlation between malaria suitability and the improvidence of slavery also as slave owners' preferences for slaves more likely to exist immune.

To conclude, the evidence for the United states points to a robust influence of past slavery on inequality, while the influence on electric current income levels is somewhat weaker. The master channel of transmission is to be establish in the unequal access to instruction and the accumulation of homo uppercase for the descendants of slaves. The political mechanism behind the local provision of funding for schools determined an inferior level, both qualitatively and quantitatively, for the educational activity inputs accessible for black children, with lingering consequences to the present day.

Despite the fact that the Civil Rights movement and legislation take removed the most visible vestiges of slavery half a century agone, the fence of the consequences of slavery in the U.s. is withal open. Julian Fifty. Simon influentially contributed to it by proposing a calculation of the black reparations bill, which he estimated to amount to about $58 billion, i.due east., about 7 % of almanac GDP (Simon 1971). The awareness that the lingering influence of the history of blacks in America runs through the homo capital channel is witnessed by the declared goals of contempo federal instruction programs, from Bush'southward No Child Left Behind to Obama'southward Race to the Pinnacle, which accept aimed at the removal of the racial and ethnic educational gaps that persistently afflict the American order. At the same time, however, the fact that in the USA inequality displays a strong racial component has not been sufficiently emphasized in the contempo debate on the long-term development of income and wealth inequality, propelled past the book by Piketty (2014). Indeed in his analysis of inequality, Piketty (2014) only very briefly mentions the racial gap in wealth, despite the fact that—as reported by The Economist (2015)—the median white family in 2013 owned net assets almost thirteen times larger than the median black family. Likewise, Putnam (2015) stresses the widening divide in attitudes toward nurturing children within all racial groups, thus shifting the focus from race to class as a commuter of differences in educational achievement. He claims that accomplishment gaps between rich and poor pupils belonging to the same race are at present larger than those between races of the aforementioned income level. In other words, according to his analysis, the class gap has been growing within each racial group, while the gaps between racial groups accept been narrowing. Nonetheless, his conclusions can be challenged on the basis that they are driven more by the worsening performance of poor whites rather than by the improvement of that of blacks.

Conclusions

In his volume "Information technology's Getting Better All the Time: 100 Greatest Trends of the Last 100 Years" (published posthumously as Moore and Simon 2000), Julian L. Simon listed the pass up of slavery and serfdom around the earth—from 75 % of the population in 1750 to x % in 2000 (figures are from Engerman 1996)—as ane of the major achievements of civilisation. Nevertheless, the evidence I reported clearly documents the lingering influence of past slavery on contemporary outcomes, both for the sending countries in Africa and the receiving countries in the Americas. This pervasive influence spreads across the economical, institutional, political, and cultural spheres.

African slavery has represented one of the largest—albeit coerced—migration experiences in history. Some of the contributions described in this newspaper do consider some aspects of its specific link with the analysis of migration. Namely, in Bertocchi et al. (2015), my coauthors and I focus on the link between slave trades and contemporary attitudes toward citizenship acquisition for migrants across African countries. For the United states, in Bertocchi and Dimico (2012a), we look at the association between the distribution of the slaves disembarked along the North-Atlantic coast and the intensity of slavery in 1860, while Chay and Munshi (2013) emphasize the relationship betwixt plantation slavery and the Great Migration. However, a systematic investigation of the potential links between African slavery and contemporary migration flows and policies is still lacking, and therefore represents a promising area for future research.

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Acknowledgements

This paper has been prepared for presentation every bit the Julian Simon Lecture at the twelfth IZA Almanac Migration Meeting in Dakar in Apr 2015. I would like to thank conference participants, the editor of this journal and an anonymous referee, for comments and suggestions. I am especially grateful to Arcangelo Dimico, with whom I co-authored many of the papers that are cited in this newspaper.

Responsible editor: Denis Fougère

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The IZA Periodical of Migration is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The author declares that she has observed these principles.

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1. Dipartimento di Economia Marco Biagi, University of Modena and Reggio Emilia, CEPR and IZA, Viale Berengario, 51, I-41121, Modena, Italy

   Graziella Bertocchi

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Correspondence to Graziella Bertocchi.

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Bertocchi, M. The legacies of slavery in and out of Africa. IZA J Migration 5, 24 (2016). https://doi.org/ten.1186/s40176-016-0072-0

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• Received: 28 May 2015

• Accustomed: 01 Baronial 2016

• Published: 28 December 2016

• DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s40176-016-0072-0

Keywords

• Female person Labor Strength Participation
• Slave Trade
• Slave Labor
• Great Migration
• African Slave

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